Opinion
Access Bank’s Contributions in Africa’s Transition to a Low Carbon Economy
Published
6 months agoon
Africa is facing a growing challenge of managing its waste and natural resources in a sustainable way.

The current traditional linear economic model, characterized by a “take, make, dispose” pattern that is extracting, consuming, and disposing of materials, is inefficient, wasteful, and harmful to the environment and human health.
According to the World Bank, Africa generated 174 million tonnes of waste in 2016, and this is expected to increase to 516 million tonnes by 2050. Only 4% of this waste is recycled, compared to 44% in Europe and 35% in China.
A circular economy, which aims to keep materials in use for as long as possible and minimize waste and pollution, could offer a viable alternative that would enhance Africa’s social, economic, and environmental well-being.
The Ellen MacArthur Foundation estimates that a circular economy could generate $1.8 trillion of value for Africa by 2030, creating 4.5 million new jobs and reducing greenhouse gas emissions by 25%.
However, despite the potential benefits of a circular economy, many challenges and barriers hinder its implementation in Africa.
One of the major problems is the lack of adequate infrastructure and regulation for waste management and recycling. Most African countries lack formal systems for collecting, sorting, and processing waste, resulting in large amounts of waste being dumped or burned, posing serious health and environmental risks.
According to the Global Waste Management Outlook, only 19% of Africa’s urban population has access to controlled waste disposal services, and only 4% of the waste is treated to reduce its environmental impact.
Moreover, there is a lack of clear policies and incentives to support circular practices, such as extended producer responsibility, eco-labeling, and green procurement. Without a supportive regulatory framework, companies and consumers have little motivation to adopt circular behaviors and preferences.
For instance, only 12 African countries have implemented bans or levies on single-use plastic bags, which are a major source of plastic pollution.
Another problem is the limited awareness and knowledge of the circular economy concept and its benefits among stakeholders. Many businesses, consumers, and policymakers are unaware of the opportunities and advantages of shifting to a circular model, such as cost savings, resource efficiency, innovation, and competitiveness.
A survey by the African Circular Economy Network found that only 58% of African businesses are familiar with the circular economy, and only 24% have implemented circular practices in their operations.
Similarly, a study by the African Development Bank revealed that only 35% of African consumers are willing to pay more for products that are environmentally friendly or have a longer lifespan.
Additionally, there is a lack of capacity and skills to implement circular solutions, such as eco-design, repair, remanufacturing, and recycling.
These require technical expertise, financial resources, and access to markets that are often lacking in the African context.
Therefore, there is a need for more education, training, and awareness-raising initiatives to foster a culture of circularity and sustainability in Africa.
Nigeria is one of the most populous and fastest-growing countries in Africa, with a population of over 200 million and a GDP growth rate of 2.3% in 2019.
However, it is also one of the most wasteful and polluting countries, generating about 32 million tonnes of solid waste annually, of which only 20% is collected and 10% is recycled.
The rest is either dumped in open landfills, burned, or littered in the streets, waterways, and oceans. This poses serious threats to the environment, public health, and the economy, as waste management costs account for 20-30% of municipal budgets.
Moreover, Nigeria is highly dependent on the import of raw materials and finished products, which exposes it to price volatility, foreign exchange fluctuations, and trade restrictions.
A circular economy could offer a solution to these challenges, by reducing waste generation, increasing resource efficiency, and creating value from waste.
In Lagos, the government has taken to support the circular economy through the launch of the Blue Box program, an initiative to improve waste collection and sorting at the household level, by providing blue boxes to residents for separating recyclable materials, such as paper, plastic, metal, and glass, from other waste.
The program also involves the establishment of sorting hubs, where the recyclable materials are further sorted and processed, and the engagement of waste aggregators and recyclers, who buy and transport the recyclables to recycling plants.
The program aims to increase the recycling rate in Lagos from 10% to 50%, create 500,000 direct and indirect jobs, and reduce the environmental and health impacts of waste mismanagement.
Besides Lagos, other states in Nigeria have also implemented or planned to implement similar programs to promote the circular economy. For example, Ogun state has partnered with a private company to set up a waste-to-wealth project, which converts organic waste into biogas and organic fertilizer.
Kaduna state has launched a waste management and recycling scheme, which provides waste collection bins and vehicles, and trains youth and women on waste sorting and recycling. Delta state has initiated a plastic waste management project, which aims to collect and recycle plastic waste into useful products, such as furniture, tiles, and roofing sheets. These programs not only help to reduce waste generation and disposal, but also create income and employment opportunities for the local communities.
The National Environmental Standards and Regulations Enforcement Agency (NESREA) has issued guidelines and standards for the management of various types of waste, such as electronic waste, hazardous waste, and medical waste.
The agency has also enforced the Extended Producer Responsibility (EPR) policy, which requires producers and importers of certain products, such as batteries, tyres, and plastic bottles, to take responsibility for the collection and recycling of their end-of-life products. Furthermore, the government has introduced incentives and subsidies for waste management and recycling activities, such as tax waivers, low-interest loans, and grants.
These measures aim to create a conducive environment for the growth and development of the circular economy in Nigeria.
In addition, the government has supported the circular economy in Nigeria by raising awareness and education among the public and the private sector.
The government has organized campaigns and events, such as the World Environment Day, the Clean Nigeria Day, and the National Recycling Day, to sensitize the people on the benefits and practices of the circular economy.
The government has also collaborated with various stakeholders, such as civil society organizations, academic institutions, and industry associations, to provide training and capacity building on waste management and recycling.
Moreover, the government has encouraged innovation and research on the circular economy, by supporting the development and adoption of new technologies and solutions, such as biodegradable packaging, waste-to-energy systems, and circular design.
These efforts aim to foster a culture of environmental responsibility and sustainability among the Nigerian society.
Access Bank is one of the leading financial institutions in Africa, with a vision to become the world’s most respected African bank.
As part of its sustainability strategy, Access Bank is committed to supporting the transition to a circular economy, by providing financing, advisory, and capacity-building services to circular businesses and initiatives. Some of the actions that Access Bank is taking to support the circular economy include:
Access Bank contributes to the development of a circular economy policy and framework for Nigeria, as a member of the Nigerian Circular Economy Working Group (NCEWG), which will guide the nation’s operations and investments in the circular economy.
The policy and framework developed will outline the objectives, principles, criteria, and indicators for supporting circular businesses and initiatives, as well as the internal circular practices, such as paperless banking, green procurement, and waste management, that the Nigeria will adopt.
The policy and framework will also align with the national and international standards and regulations on the circular economy, such as the IFC’s Performance Standards and the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).
Access Bank through the ACT Foundation supported the Lagos Business School (LBS) in the development of the Leadership Programme for Sustainable Waste Management (LPSWM) in 2019, an initiative to drive Nigeria ‘s transition to circular economy and create sustainable communities by bringing participants who work in the waste management sector or run the their own waste focused initiatives and social enterprises.
The Programme which is a leadership and enterprise capacity building platform for youth empowerment in mitigating the environmental and health implications of improper waste management; improve the operational and financial viability of waste management businesses.
Over the years of its existence, the programme has delivered the needed information and tools to structure and effectively run a viable enterprise, execute initiatives, projects and formulate better policies,
Access Holdings in partnership with HACEY launched the Zero Carbon Africa Impact Program, a project that aims to guide and empower Africa’s youth to harness climate action as both a catalyst for sustainable business and an instrument for environmental preservation.
The program has multifaceted objectives to nurture climate action leaders and foster climate-resilient communities.
The program is empowering more than 700 emerging leaders with comprehensive knowledge of climate action while strengthening the capacities of youth networks across 6 sub-Saharan countries (Nigeria, South Africa, Kenya, Ghana, Rwanda and Zambia) to monitor net-zero plans’ implementation, and steadfastly contribute to national and regional net-zero targets.
Through a 12-week immersive journey, the program continues to impart knowledge, transfer skills, and ignite a lasting commitment to a sustainable and green Africa.
The program’s cornerstone, the Capacity Building Masterclass, delves into the nuances of climate change and its interplay with sectors such as human rights, urban planning, global public health, sustainable investing, and more.
This knowledge repository serves as a bedrock for informed decision-making, driving the implementation of impactful climate interventions across communities.
At the time of this report, the program in its fifth week has completed four high-yield courses relating to Climate Science, Global Energy, Sustainable investing and Climate change mitigation.
The Zero Carbon Africa Impact Program in sum envisions a future led by empowered high quality young leaders, thriving green and blue economies.
With a projected outcome of over 700 exceptional young leaders, 35,000 community advocates, and 28 impactful climate action projects, the program cements its role as a catalyst for transformation, heralding a new era of sustainable prosperity for Africa.
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Opinion
End Police Atrocities on the Owerri-Port Harcourt Road Now
Published
6 days agoon
March 4, 2025End Police Atrocities on the Owerri-Port Harcourt Road Now!
By Destiny Ugorji
Traveling between Owerri and Port Harcourt has become a harrowing experience, not due to natural disasters or entirely because of poor road conditions—though the roads are in dire need of repair—but because of a deeply entrenched and well-coordinated extortion racket operated by officers of the Nigerian Police Force.
Instead of safeguarding travelers, these officers have transformed the highway into a lucrative criminal enterprise, harassing, intimidating, and robbing innocent road users with impunity.


From Igwuruta Roundabout in Rivers State to Avu Junction in Owerri, Imo State—a stretch of approximately 60 kilometers—motorists are compelled to navigate over 35 illegal police checkpoints. Each of these checkpoints serves as a tollgate where officers demand bribes under various pretenses. What should be a straightforward 1-hour-15-minute journey now takes over 2 hours and 15 minutes due to these unlawful roadblocks.
The situation is particularly egregious from Elele Roundabout to the Omerelu/Umuapu boundary—a mere 13-kilometer stretch that should take 15–20 minutes but now requires an excruciating 50 minutes due to the high concentration of these illegal checkpoints. The modus operandi is uniform: commercial drivers are coerced into paying between 100 and 200 naira per stop. Those who comply receive swift passage, while those who resist face undue scrutiny, document seizures, and threats of arrest.
Private vehicle owners are not spared. Officers, under the guise of “stop and search,” demand driver’s licenses and vehicle documents, often inventing infractions to justify bribe requests. It is as if these officers have been specially trained in the art of extortion rather than law enforcement.
The consequences of this unchecked police extortion extend beyond individual frustration. The economic ramifications are devastating. The transport sector is directly impacted, as drivers, burdened with multiple bribes at every checkpoint, transfer the cost to passengers. With food supplies heavily dependent on road transport, the ripple effect has been a sharp and consistent rise in food prices. Traders and farmers who transport perishable goods suffer heavy financial losses due to prolonged travel times, leading to increased spoilage and higher costs passed down to consumers.
The Owerri-Port Harcourt corridor is a major commercial artery. When transport costs rise due to police extortion, the cost of doing business skyrockets. Ordinary Nigerians bear the brunt of this criminality, paying more for food and services in an already fragile economy. This systemic corruption is worsening inflation and deepening the economic hardship faced by millions.
On Saturday, March 1, 2025, I personally witnessed this extortion racket in full operation. At the Omerelu-Umuapu boundary, my commercial vehicle was stopped by yet another group of rogue policemen. Having already paid 200 naira at over 15 previous checkpoints, we insisted that the driver refuse any further payments. What followed was an unnecessary delay, intimidation, and threats.
In a separate but equally distressing incident, a highly respected media scholar and communication expert, Associate Professor Walter Duru, was subjected to harassment at the same checkpoint. Despite presenting all required documents, the rogue officers desperately searched for any excuse to justify an extortion attempt. The senior officer on duty—an ASP with no visible name badge—eventually demanded 3,000 naira as a “settlement fee.” When Professor Duru refused, the ASP shamelessly said, “find us something and go.” Only after a phone call by Professor Duru to a superior officer did the ASP back down.
If a senior academic could be so brazenly harassed, one can only imagine the fate of ordinary Nigerians without connections or influence.
The extortion racket along Owerri-Port Harcourt Road is not a secret. The police hierarchy is fully aware, yet they have chosen to turn a blind eye. This inaction emboldens these rogue officers, further entrenching corruption and lawlessness on our roads.
Enough is enough. The Inspector-General of Police, the Commissioners of Police in Imo and Rivers States, and the Federal Government must take immediate, decisive action.
There is need for immediate disbandment of all Illegal Checkpoints along the Owerri-Port Harcourt highway. Only legitimate, corruption-free highway patrol units should remain.
Officers found guilty of extortion should not only be dismissed but also prosecuted to serve as a deterrent to others.
Undercover security personnel should be strategically deployed to monitor police conduct on highways and ensure compliance with anti-corruption directives.
Citizens should have a dedicated platform to report police misconduct, with guaranteed follow-up action and protection for whistleblowers.
A zero-tolerance policy for bribery and extortion must be strictly enforced through regular oversight and audits.
The Nigerian Police Force must purge itself of these criminals in uniform. If over 80% of officers are unfit for service due to corruption and incompetence, then a radical reform of the entire force is necessary. We need a recruitment system that prioritizes integrity and professionalism over political patronage.
To the Federal Government, the Inspector-General of Police, the governments of Rivers and Imo States, and all well-meaning Nigerians: the blood of innocent travelers harassed and extorted daily cries out for justice. The economic devastation caused by police corruption must no longer be ignored.
Act now before this lawlessness spirals further out of control. We demand justice. We demand security. And we demand an end to this daylight robbery on Owerri-Port Harcourt Road.
Opinion
Chess, that bomb in your hands, and masters of the game, Hassan Gimba
Published
2 months agoon
January 12, 2025Chess, that bomb in your hands, and masters of the game, Hassan Gimba
In 1984 there was a universal review of the dystopian novel Nineteen Eight- Four, sometimes written and published as 1984, written by George Orwell. More known for his satirical book Animal Farm, George Orwell is a pen name adopted by Eric Arthur Blair, an English novelist, poet, essayist, journalist and critic. According to Wikipedia, “his work is characterised by lucid prose, social criticism, opposition to all totalitarianism, and support of democratic socialism.”

Published in 1949, after the Second World War, Nineteen Eighty-Four, as earlier observed, is a dystopian novel that warns against totalitarian governments that control every aspect of citizens’ lives. With terms such as “Big Brother”, “doublethink”, and “newspeak”, Orwell wrote the book as a cautionary tale after seeing what happened to people in Nazi Germany and fearing that totalitarianism could easily take over the US and Britain, enriching the English lexicon with the adjectival term “Orwellian,” for a political system in which the government tries to control every part of people’s lives.
It’s a sobering reality that in all the reviews, there was a convergence of opinions that governments, especially those of Western nations and the ones in the then Eastern Bloc, exemplified by that of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR), have become pervasive, with eyes and ears everywhere, watching and listening to everyone as done to Winston Smith in the 1984 satire.
While the West’s “eye on us” may not be as overt as Orwell depicted, we are nonetheless an open book to them. We hide nothing from them because we cannot. This is true for using smartphones, smart televisions, tablets, laptops, desktops, Google, social media, and the internet.
Have you ever seen your movements captured by Google? As long as your phone is with you, google records and stores all your movements. It is the same with your phone calls. You may begin to see adverts on issues you discuss. If women discuss abortion, they would start seeing adverts on drugs and ways for it. Discuss money, and start seeing adverts from loan sharks.
Your phones can easily be used to trace you. And now, after seeing what the Israelites did to Hamas with pagers, you better know that your phone might not only be a spying device on you but an improvised explosive device (IED). A rigged bomb you are carrying about in your pocket.
In Gideon’s Spies: The Secret History of the Mossad, first published in 1999, Gordon Thomas, resulting from closed-door interviews with Mossad agents, informants, and spymasters as well as drawing from classified documents and top-secret sources, revealed previously untold truths about Mossad.
Mossad is the national intelligence agency of Israel, responsible for intelligence collection and covert operations, including the assassination of perceived enemies.
In the highly compelling and acclaimed book, he revealed that computers have spying chips embedded in them that Mossad accesses. Desktop computers, Laptops, printers, and similar devices are irreplaceable components in all workplaces. These office necessities are everywhere, including in homes.
From the highest office in the land to all sensitive departments, down to all security offices and those of all leaders across the executive, legislative, and judicial arms, you must find computers, laptops, smart TVs, and all those devices that we do not produce here but import from Western nations or Israel.
The Mossad used personal pagers to target members of Hamas, a Palestinian militant group, in a series of operations. This demonstrates the potential for technology to be used for surveillance and control.
Smart televisions, like the social media sites we visit through our phones, monitor and save our preferences and keep bringing up topics related to them to us.
Why do you think countries like China, Russia, Iran, North Korea and those fiercely independent do not allow Western internet providers or other satellites like Starlink to operate in their spheres? They do all they can to develop theirs. This is not just a local issue but a global one that affects us all. This could explain why America under Donald Trump never wants Huawei phones. Apart from the fact that it beats the American iPhone in terms of popularity, affordability and effectiveness, Trump knew what relegating the iPhone worldwide would do to his country’s ability to see many things.
This is not limited to the iPhone as all Android phones are in the same category and do the same function of monitoring their owner, just as all social media sites. Anything you write on Facebook is stored even if you delete it without sending it out.
These powerful entities use a cunning strategy to control their perceived enemies. They tie them to their apron strings, present them with the faces of “lovers,” and wrap them up economically and security-wise. An instance can be seen in how the Arab defence systems are systematically tied to the US. The Israeli security firm Kochav has provided billions of dollars worth of services in the UAE and Saudi Arabia, including surveillance systems.
Until we start indigenising our technology, we will remain open books to be accessed anytime through Google and satellites. The need for technological independence is not just a suggestion; it’s a call to action. It’s a path to reclaiming our power and control over our lives. Can you see the wisdom in educating our children in our languages as the Chinese, Turkish, Russians, North Koreans, and Iranians do? Can you see why these nations are racing ahead, developing and industrialising their nations with local materials and technology, using their people? The time to act is before we lose even more control over our privacy and independence.
We must develop the power to change this, build our technology, and protect our privacy.
Any country that will remain the recipient of foreign technology can never be independent, and neither can its leaders because the country and its leaders, nay, citizens, remain stark naked in front of those that do not desire to see them become united, strong, politically and economically independent. The consequences of inaction are dire, but the potential benefits of taking action, such as reclaiming our privacy and independence, are immense and within our reach.
However, the fight to emancipate the world would be not only interesting and full of chess-like manoeuvres but also hazardous, and it promises to be a fight to the death.
It is a consolation that the Russians, Chinese, and Persians are chess masters, but what of us in Africa?
Opinion
Let’s Save Our Democracy from this Axis Of Evil, by Hassan Gimba
Published
4 months agoon
November 3, 2024Let’s Save Our Democracy from this Axis Of Evil, by Hassan Gimba
Several people, including Nigerian leaders, have said that democracy, as a form of government, has no better alternative. And why not, if democracy is all about a system of government in which the governed freely participate in electing their representatives?

Nigeria has had a go at practising democracy even before its independence from Britain. From independence, we practised it fully for six years, though it was the Westminster system, bequeathed to us by the colonisers. It got its name from the central London area hosting the Parliament of the United Kingdom.
The Westminster model, which Nigeria started with, is a system in which there is a head of state (or president), a prime minister who heads the government, and an elected parliament (made up of one or two houses) from which the head of government emerges.
Then, there was a thirteen-year military interregnum, during which the men in khaki and jackboots ran the country’s affairs by decree and instituting a unitary form of government, the top-to-bottom command structure they knew all too well.
Fully aware that democracy is more in tandem with human nature, the Khaki Boys organised a constitutional conference in 1979 to usher in a democratic government, opting for a presidential system fashioned after the American model.
However, it did not last as long as the parliamentary system because, four years later, the jackboots returned. It was only 15 years later, in 1999, that the starched khaki-wearing leaders freed Nigeria from their grasp after seeing that stratocracy was globally going out of fashion.
In all of our adventurism with the forms of democracy, it is only in the current dispensation that one sees politicians holding the reins of their party’s leadership, yet sabotaging it.
In the First Republic, for instance, Obafemi Awolowo was the chairman of the Action Congress (AG), while Anthony Enahoro, and later Bola Ige, were its secretaries-general. The National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC) had Herbert Macaulay and Nnamdi Azikiwe as chairman and secretary-general, respectively.
The Second Republic’s National Party of Nigeria (NPN) had Augustus Akinloye as its chairman, and the Peoples Redemption Party (PRP) had Alhaji Falalu Bello. In this dispensation, we have had the All Progressives Congress (APC) with Bisi Akande and Tijjani Musa Tumsah as chairman and secretary-general, respectively.
Despite the average man’s inordinate desire for worldly gains, these chairmen of the opposition political parties never took part in any subterfuge against their parties. History will surely be kind to them as those who endured being in opposition for the sake of democracy and integrity.
There is no integrity where a citizen is playing politics for his stomach. It becomes worse when he willingly sells himself to the devil so that he can own mansions, choice plots, and hefty bank accounts in various currencies. These are the sorts of people that history consigns to the dirty bin it keeps for villains and the immoral.
We may not sound the alarm over the heinous acts of the unprincipled and “long-throat” politicians if not for their desperate—and, from all indications, succeeding—shenanigans involving the judiciary that could jeopardise our democracy.
They are bent on making a mockery of the judiciary, compromising those they can compromise and shopping for favourable judgements from “understanding” or “sympathetic” judges.
As a result of this unholy romance between a triumvirate of monied politicians (whose source of wealth can lead to capital punishment in a sane country), the perfidious, unscrupulous party chieftains, and mercenary judges, Nigeria’s democracy is at risk from this “axis of evil!”
This repugnant alliance, apart from casting the courts in a bad light, is threatening to give them a role never envisaged for them by the framers of our constitution—a power superseding even that of the constitution. Now, courts are managers of political parties, telling them when to meet, who their leaders should be, who their members should be, etc. This is why those who defected from their party—whom the constitution says cease to be party members—remain in their seats courtesy of the courts. Some judgements even turn established precedents and Supreme Court rulings on their heads.
Many lawyers, too, have become willing tools in the hands of the “axis of evil,” as they have no qualms defending the indefensible under the cover of the Constitution, which deems one innocent until proven otherwise. Ordinarily, they know, we know, and everyone knows that the culprits are guilty as charged.
The law must be applied common-sensibly. As the late Gani Fawehinmi, SAN, would say, legality should be guided by morality. Any law or court that sides with the wrongdoer is not helping the country.
This is why law and order are breaking down because the criminal-minded know that even if arrested, they can meander their way out as there are clever lawyers ready to take their rotten briefs for the money and judges who would set them free for a pot of porridge. The rotten lawyers know the houses and haunts of the rotten judges… birds of a feather, they say, flock together.
Is it any wonder that the wicked no longer fear the law or the authority doling it out, or that the innocent citizen fears the outlaw more than the custodian of the law? For one, the lawbreaker knows his atrocities might go unpunished, while the law-abiding fears the law cannot protect him since he may not be able to afford it.
This is why, among many others, the sit-at-home agenda of separatists in the Southeast will continue to be obeyed.
But like almost everything, there must be a way out. Oh, sure, there must be.
The Judicial Service Commission must intervene. They must remove the rug from under the feet of renegade judges who have become turncoats. The Legal Practitioners Disciplinary Committee (LPDC) must start punishing lawyers who engage in forum shopping and other ethical breaches.
But before that, the Nigerian Law School must incorporate subjects into its curriculum to teach the importance of morality and loyalty to the Constitution and the nation.
Then the judiciary must truly be independent in all ramifications; therefore, houses, cars, and any other welfare should not be doled out to its members by the executive. These are not favours and should not be made to be so or to look like one.
Hassan Gimba, anipr, is the publisher and CEO of Neptune Prime.
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