The Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) was founded in 1978. Its predecessor, the Nigerian Association of University Teachers (NAUT), was formed in 1965 covering academic staff at the University of Ibadan, University of Nigeria, Nsukka, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, University of Ife and University of Lagos.
According to its founders, ASUU is a trade union whose objectives include regulation of relations between academic staff and employers, encouraging the participation of its members in the affairs of the university system and the nation, and protecting and advancing the socio-economic and cultural interests of the nation.
It is supposed to be a union of intellectuals seeking not only the socio-political and economic welfare interest of its members within the framework of promoting the cause of university education in Nigeria but the entire good of Nigerians and Nigeria.
The union came into prominence when it staged its first-ever strike and was proscribed by the military government of President Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida on 7th August 1988, and all its property seized. This was because of the national strike it organised that year to get fair wages and university autonomy. Though the union was allowed to resume activities in 1990, it was again banned on 23rd August 1992, after another strike. An agreement was, however, reached on 3rd September 1992, that met several of the union’s demands, including the right of workers to collective bargaining.
ASUU organized further strikes in 1994 and 1996 to protest against the dismissal of university teachers by the Sani Abacha military regime (Wikipedia, 2016).
If its first industrial action was in 1988, its longest was in 2020 when it downed tools for nine months. The lecturers, based on their union’s aims and objectives – to secure adequate funding, improved salary package, autonomy and academic freedom to curb brain drain and ensure the survival of the university system – hinged their action on the lack of funding of universities and functionality of the Integrated Payment Portal System, arguing that IPPIS negates autonomy for universities.
On December 17, 2013, ASUU declared a strike that lasted six months over the non-implementation of a 2009 agreement between it and the federal government, which was eventually called off after the latter agreed to some of its demands.
Yet a year after, the union still embarked on a one-week warning strike over the failure of the government to implement the 2009 Agreement and a 2013 MoU. According to the union, “Many aspects of the 2013 MoU and the 2009 agreement with the federal government have either been unimplemented or despairingly handled.” The agreements are payments of staff entitlements since December 2015, funding of universities for revitalisation, pension, TSA and university autonomy and renegotiation of the 2009 agreement.
But what are the October 2009 agreements reached between the federal government and ASUU after two years of negotiation between the lecturers and a government team appointed by the then education minister, Obiageli Ezekwesili? The government team was led by the then pro-chancellor, University of Ibadan, Gamaliel Onosode while ASUU’s team was led by its then-president, Abdullahi Sule-Kano. The agreements reached included conditions of service for university lecturers, funding of universities, university autonomy and academic freedom, and other issues that required legislation to implement.
ASUU has frequently complained that “agreeing with the federal government has often been a frustrating journey for our union. Protests and strikes often mark it and require a conscious and focused engagement. The 2001 agreement, which gave birth to the 2009 agreement, was not an exemption. The exception here is the personality leading the government negotiation team.”
And so, after strikes in 2017 and 2018, and a period of calm from 2019, ASUU on Monday, November 17th, 2021, announced its plan to embark on another strike in three weeks if the federal government continued to renege on its agreement with it. The union had accused the federal government of failing to implement the agreement after it called off its nine-month strike in December 2020.
Even though, according to an article in Dataphyte magazine, ASUU has spent one in every four days on strike in the past six years, it went for another one again on February 14, 2022, and since then, our students are still at home.
Naturally, students have been at the receiving end, and the worse hit is our educational system, of course. However, apart from the disastrous implications on our education system, ASUU strikes negatively impact our economy and may cause a lot of minor and serious crimes to be perpetrated by the fainthearted and those desperate for survival. I will take Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, and its economic importance as a case in point.
ABU Zaria has about 100,000 students. Assuming each student on the average spends N1,000 daily, that is N1 billion injected into the economy of Zaria and its environs. Markets will bubble, the transportation system will be fully engaged, social services will be on full throttle, production will increase, and employment opportunities will grow.
Without this capital injection into the economy of the environment, a lot of businesses and jobs, indirect and direct, that depended on primary services patronised by the students will collapse and many people will be at their wits’ end to make ends meet. Someone can easily tempt the fainthearted into crime and other vices to survive.
Where there is nothing to do to get by, and with a lack of education and vocational skills, it will not be far-fetched to see some youths joining the crime enterprise just to get paid. Even many educated ones with no means of livelihood can easily fall into that temptation.
This is not even considering the students; able-bodied youth, strong with vibrant brains and impressionable character; any long idleness can easily turn their minds into the proverbial devil’s workshop.
There are also serious implications of the government’s policy of “no work, no pay” on the community. Perhaps statisticians, criminologists and psychologists may look at the numbers – in terms of the rise and fall – of crime during ASUU strikes and when schools are in full swing. This is because even during holidays you find students in school are in full swing. This is because even during holidays you find students in school unlike when there is a strike.
Most likely,the government’s minders do not look at strikes, especially ASUU strikes, from this perspective. But the government needs to look at the security implications of whatever it does.
End Police Atrocities on the Owerri-Port Harcourt Road Now!
By Destiny Ugorji
Traveling between Owerri and Port Harcourt has become a harrowing experience, not due to natural disasters or entirely because of poor road conditions—though the roads are in dire need of repair—but because of a deeply entrenched and well-coordinated extortion racket operated by officers of the Nigerian Police Force.
Instead of safeguarding travelers, these officers have transformed the highway into a lucrative criminal enterprise, harassing, intimidating, and robbing innocent road users with impunity.
From Igwuruta Roundabout in Rivers State to Avu Junction in Owerri, Imo State—a stretch of approximately 60 kilometers—motorists are compelled to navigate over 35 illegal police checkpoints. Each of these checkpoints serves as a tollgate where officers demand bribes under various pretenses. What should be a straightforward 1-hour-15-minute journey now takes over 2 hours and 15 minutes due to these unlawful roadblocks.
The situation is particularly egregious from Elele Roundabout to the Omerelu/Umuapu boundary—a mere 13-kilometer stretch that should take 15–20 minutes but now requires an excruciating 50 minutes due to the high concentration of these illegal checkpoints. The modus operandi is uniform: commercial drivers are coerced into paying between 100 and 200 naira per stop. Those who comply receive swift passage, while those who resist face undue scrutiny, document seizures, and threats of arrest.
Private vehicle owners are not spared. Officers, under the guise of “stop and search,” demand driver’s licenses and vehicle documents, often inventing infractions to justify bribe requests. It is as if these officers have been specially trained in the art of extortion rather than law enforcement.
The consequences of this unchecked police extortion extend beyond individual frustration. The economic ramifications are devastating. The transport sector is directly impacted, as drivers, burdened with multiple bribes at every checkpoint, transfer the cost to passengers. With food supplies heavily dependent on road transport, the ripple effect has been a sharp and consistent rise in food prices. Traders and farmers who transport perishable goods suffer heavy financial losses due to prolonged travel times, leading to increased spoilage and higher costs passed down to consumers.
The Owerri-Port Harcourt corridor is a major commercial artery. When transport costs rise due to police extortion, the cost of doing business skyrockets. Ordinary Nigerians bear the brunt of this criminality, paying more for food and services in an already fragile economy. This systemic corruption is worsening inflation and deepening the economic hardship faced by millions.
On Saturday, March 1, 2025, I personally witnessed this extortion racket in full operation. At the Omerelu-Umuapu boundary, my commercial vehicle was stopped by yet another group of rogue policemen. Having already paid 200 naira at over 15 previous checkpoints, we insisted that the driver refuse any further payments. What followed was an unnecessary delay, intimidation, and threats.
In a separate but equally distressing incident, a highly respected media scholar and communication expert, Associate Professor Walter Duru, was subjected to harassment at the same checkpoint. Despite presenting all required documents, the rogue officers desperately searched for any excuse to justify an extortion attempt. The senior officer on duty—an ASP with no visible name badge—eventually demanded 3,000 naira as a “settlement fee.” When Professor Duru refused, the ASP shamelessly said, “find us something and go.” Only after a phone call by Professor Duru to a superior officer did the ASP back down.
If a senior academic could be so brazenly harassed, one can only imagine the fate of ordinary Nigerians without connections or influence.
The extortion racket along Owerri-Port Harcourt Road is not a secret. The police hierarchy is fully aware, yet they have chosen to turn a blind eye. This inaction emboldens these rogue officers, further entrenching corruption and lawlessness on our roads.
Enough is enough. The Inspector-General of Police, the Commissioners of Police in Imo and Rivers States, and the Federal Government must take immediate, decisive action.
There is need for immediate disbandment of all Illegal Checkpoints along the Owerri-Port Harcourt highway. Only legitimate, corruption-free highway patrol units should remain.
Officers found guilty of extortion should not only be dismissed but also prosecuted to serve as a deterrent to others.
Undercover security personnel should be strategically deployed to monitor police conduct on highways and ensure compliance with anti-corruption directives.
Citizens should have a dedicated platform to report police misconduct, with guaranteed follow-up action and protection for whistleblowers.
A zero-tolerance policy for bribery and extortion must be strictly enforced through regular oversight and audits.
The Nigerian Police Force must purge itself of these criminals in uniform. If over 80% of officers are unfit for service due to corruption and incompetence, then a radical reform of the entire force is necessary. We need a recruitment system that prioritizes integrity and professionalism over political patronage.
To the Federal Government, the Inspector-General of Police, the governments of Rivers and Imo States, and all well-meaning Nigerians: the blood of innocent travelers harassed and extorted daily cries out for justice. The economic devastation caused by police corruption must no longer be ignored.
Act now before this lawlessness spirals further out of control. We demand justice. We demand security. And we demand an end to this daylight robbery on Owerri-Port Harcourt Road.
Chess, that bomb in your hands, and masters of the game, Hassan Gimba
In 1984 there was a universal review of the dystopian novel Nineteen Eight- Four, sometimes written and published as 1984, written by George Orwell. More known for his satirical book Animal Farm, George Orwell is a pen name adopted by Eric Arthur Blair, an English novelist, poet, essayist, journalist and critic. According to Wikipedia, “his work is characterised by lucid prose, social criticism, opposition to all totalitarianism, and support of democratic socialism.”
Published in 1949, after the Second World War, Nineteen Eighty-Four, as earlier observed, is a dystopian novel that warns against totalitarian governments that control every aspect of citizens’ lives. With terms such as “Big Brother”, “doublethink”, and “newspeak”, Orwell wrote the book as a cautionary tale after seeing what happened to people in Nazi Germany and fearing that totalitarianism could easily take over the US and Britain, enriching the English lexicon with the adjectival term “Orwellian,” for a political system in which the government tries to control every part of people’s lives.
It’s a sobering reality that in all the reviews, there was a convergence of opinions that governments, especially those of Western nations and the ones in the then Eastern Bloc, exemplified by that of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR), have become pervasive, with eyes and ears everywhere, watching and listening to everyone as done to Winston Smith in the 1984 satire.
While the West’s “eye on us” may not be as overt as Orwell depicted, we are nonetheless an open book to them. We hide nothing from them because we cannot. This is true for using smartphones, smart televisions, tablets, laptops, desktops, Google, social media, and the internet.
Have you ever seen your movements captured by Google? As long as your phone is with you, google records and stores all your movements. It is the same with your phone calls. You may begin to see adverts on issues you discuss. If women discuss abortion, they would start seeing adverts on drugs and ways for it. Discuss money, and start seeing adverts from loan sharks.
Your phones can easily be used to trace you. And now, after seeing what the Israelites did to Hamas with pagers, you better know that your phone might not only be a spying device on you but an improvised explosive device (IED). A rigged bomb you are carrying about in your pocket.
In Gideon’s Spies: The Secret History of the Mossad, first published in 1999, Gordon Thomas, resulting from closed-door interviews with Mossad agents, informants, and spymasters as well as drawing from classified documents and top-secret sources, revealed previously untold truths about Mossad.
Mossad is the national intelligence agency of Israel, responsible for intelligence collection and covert operations, including the assassination of perceived enemies.
In the highly compelling and acclaimed book, he revealed that computers have spying chips embedded in them that Mossad accesses. Desktop computers, Laptops, printers, and similar devices are irreplaceable components in all workplaces. These office necessities are everywhere, including in homes.
From the highest office in the land to all sensitive departments, down to all security offices and those of all leaders across the executive, legislative, and judicial arms, you must find computers, laptops, smart TVs, and all those devices that we do not produce here but import from Western nations or Israel.
The Mossad used personal pagers to target members of Hamas, a Palestinian militant group, in a series of operations. This demonstrates the potential for technology to be used for surveillance and control.
Smart televisions, like the social media sites we visit through our phones, monitor and save our preferences and keep bringing up topics related to them to us.
Why do you think countries like China, Russia, Iran, North Korea and those fiercely independent do not allow Western internet providers or other satellites like Starlink to operate in their spheres? They do all they can to develop theirs. This is not just a local issue but a global one that affects us all. This could explain why America under Donald Trump never wants Huawei phones. Apart from the fact that it beats the American iPhone in terms of popularity, affordability and effectiveness, Trump knew what relegating the iPhone worldwide would do to his country’s ability to see many things.
This is not limited to the iPhone as all Android phones are in the same category and do the same function of monitoring their owner, just as all social media sites. Anything you write on Facebook is stored even if you delete it without sending it out.
These powerful entities use a cunning strategy to control their perceived enemies. They tie them to their apron strings, present them with the faces of “lovers,” and wrap them up economically and security-wise. An instance can be seen in how the Arab defence systems are systematically tied to the US. The Israeli security firm Kochav has provided billions of dollars worth of services in the UAE and Saudi Arabia, including surveillance systems.
Until we start indigenising our technology, we will remain open books to be accessed anytime through Google and satellites. The need for technological independence is not just a suggestion; it’s a call to action. It’s a path to reclaiming our power and control over our lives. Can you see the wisdom in educating our children in our languages as the Chinese, Turkish, Russians, North Koreans, and Iranians do? Can you see why these nations are racing ahead, developing and industrialising their nations with local materials and technology, using their people? The time to act is before we lose even more control over our privacy and independence.
We must develop the power to change this, build our technology, and protect our privacy.
Any country that will remain the recipient of foreign technology can never be independent, and neither can its leaders because the country and its leaders, nay, citizens, remain stark naked in front of those that do not desire to see them become united, strong, politically and economically independent. The consequences of inaction are dire, but the potential benefits of taking action, such as reclaiming our privacy and independence, are immense and within our reach.
However, the fight to emancipate the world would be not only interesting and full of chess-like manoeuvres but also hazardous, and it promises to be a fight to the death.
It is a consolation that the Russians, Chinese, and Persians are chess masters, but what of us in Africa?
Let’s Save Our Democracy from this Axis Of Evil, by Hassan Gimba
Several people, including Nigerian leaders, have said that democracy, as a form of government, has no better alternative. And why not, if democracy is all about a system of government in which the governed freely participate in electing their representatives?
Gimba
Nigeria has had a go at practising democracy even before its independence from Britain. From independence, we practised it fully for six years, though it was the Westminster system, bequeathed to us by the colonisers. It got its name from the central London area hosting the Parliament of the United Kingdom.
The Westminster model, which Nigeria started with, is a system in which there is a head of state (or president), a prime minister who heads the government, and an elected parliament (made up of one or two houses) from which the head of government emerges.
Then, there was a thirteen-year military interregnum, during which the men in khaki and jackboots ran the country’s affairs by decree and instituting a unitary form of government, the top-to-bottom command structure they knew all too well.
Fully aware that democracy is more in tandem with human nature, the Khaki Boys organised a constitutional conference in 1979 to usher in a democratic government, opting for a presidential system fashioned after the American model.
However, it did not last as long as the parliamentary system because, four years later, the jackboots returned. It was only 15 years later, in 1999, that the starched khaki-wearing leaders freed Nigeria from their grasp after seeing that stratocracy was globally going out of fashion.
In all of our adventurism with the forms of democracy, it is only in the current dispensation that one sees politicians holding the reins of their party’s leadership, yet sabotaging it.
In the First Republic, for instance, Obafemi Awolowo was the chairman of the Action Congress (AG), while Anthony Enahoro, and later Bola Ige, were its secretaries-general. The National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC) had Herbert Macaulay and Nnamdi Azikiwe as chairman and secretary-general, respectively.
The Second Republic’s National Party of Nigeria (NPN) had Augustus Akinloye as its chairman, and the Peoples Redemption Party (PRP) had Alhaji Falalu Bello. In this dispensation, we have had the All Progressives Congress (APC) with Bisi Akande and Tijjani Musa Tumsah as chairman and secretary-general, respectively.
Despite the average man’s inordinate desire for worldly gains, these chairmen of the opposition political parties never took part in any subterfuge against their parties. History will surely be kind to them as those who endured being in opposition for the sake of democracy and integrity.
There is no integrity where a citizen is playing politics for his stomach. It becomes worse when he willingly sells himself to the devil so that he can own mansions, choice plots, and hefty bank accounts in various currencies. These are the sorts of people that history consigns to the dirty bin it keeps for villains and the immoral.
We may not sound the alarm over the heinous acts of the unprincipled and “long-throat” politicians if not for their desperate—and, from all indications, succeeding—shenanigans involving the judiciary that could jeopardise our democracy.
They are bent on making a mockery of the judiciary, compromising those they can compromise and shopping for favourable judgements from “understanding” or “sympathetic” judges.
As a result of this unholy romance between a triumvirate of monied politicians (whose source of wealth can lead to capital punishment in a sane country), the perfidious, unscrupulous party chieftains, and mercenary judges, Nigeria’s democracy is at risk from this “axis of evil!”
This repugnant alliance, apart from casting the courts in a bad light, is threatening to give them a role never envisaged for them by the framers of our constitution—a power superseding even that of the constitution. Now, courts are managers of political parties, telling them when to meet, who their leaders should be, who their members should be, etc. This is why those who defected from their party—whom the constitution says cease to be party members—remain in their seats courtesy of the courts. Some judgements even turn established precedents and Supreme Court rulings on their heads.
Many lawyers, too, have become willing tools in the hands of the “axis of evil,” as they have no qualms defending the indefensible under the cover of the Constitution, which deems one innocent until proven otherwise. Ordinarily, they know, we know, and everyone knows that the culprits are guilty as charged.
The law must be applied common-sensibly. As the late Gani Fawehinmi, SAN, would say, legality should be guided by morality. Any law or court that sides with the wrongdoer is not helping the country.
This is why law and order are breaking down because the criminal-minded know that even if arrested, they can meander their way out as there are clever lawyers ready to take their rotten briefs for the money and judges who would set them free for a pot of porridge. The rotten lawyers know the houses and haunts of the rotten judges… birds of a feather, they say, flock together.
Is it any wonder that the wicked no longer fear the law or the authority doling it out, or that the innocent citizen fears the outlaw more than the custodian of the law? For one, the lawbreaker knows his atrocities might go unpunished, while the law-abiding fears the law cannot protect him since he may not be able to afford it.
This is why, among many others, the sit-at-home agenda of separatists in the Southeast will continue to be obeyed.
But like almost everything, there must be a way out. Oh, sure, there must be.
The Judicial Service Commission must intervene. They must remove the rug from under the feet of renegade judges who have become turncoats. The Legal Practitioners Disciplinary Committee (LPDC) must start punishing lawyers who engage in forum shopping and other ethical breaches.
But before that, the Nigerian Law School must incorporate subjects into its curriculum to teach the importance of morality and loyalty to the Constitution and the nation.
Then the judiciary must truly be independent in all ramifications; therefore, houses, cars, and any other welfare should not be doled out to its members by the executive. These are not favours and should not be made to be so or to look like one.
Hassan Gimba, anipr, is the publisher and CEO of Neptune Prime.