Connect with us

Opinion

A look at Atiku’s campaign model, by Hassan Gimba

Published

on

A look at Atiku’s campaign model, by Hassan Gimba

Perhaps in the future, politicians, political analysts, strategists, scientists and consultants may want to look at one or two things here that make Alhaji Atiku Abubakar’s campaign what it is, especially its tenacity, perseverance, astuteness and personal ties.

Between 1993 and this year, that’s thirty years, Atiku Abubakar, former vice president of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, would have contested the presidential election eight times. Twice – in 2007 and 2019 – he was a candidate on the platform of two different parties, and thrice – in 1993, 2011 and 2015 – he was stopped at the primaries level. He won twice – in 1999 and 2003 – as a vice president. This year will be his eighth. He has earned the honour of being addressed as a veteran. ‘Veteranship’ comes with the knowledge and wisdom of the person who strode that path.

He could allow his campaign to glide through the haze on autopilot because of his experience. That made him set up a structure with people of personal or specific capabilities to achieve that.

Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu of the All Progressives Congress is credited with having built men of substance who have produced others, but many seem not to know that Atiku, too, has done that. And he has an advantage over Asiwaju on that count because Asiwaju’s men are Lagos chaps, at most South West, and perhaps a few others from Kogi and Kwara states – two contiguous states to Asiwaju’s South West geopolitical zone – while Atiku’s men are spread all over the nation.

Atiku, on his own, is established with a personal structure and vast network and, by being a two-term vice president who was more than just a spare tyre, was on a pedestal with a range that wasn’t provincial. The entire country was his constituency, after all. He made many people into what they are now. He gave many young – and not-so-young – men and women a break so they could serve the nation in many capacities.

Many of them became ministers, legislators and chief executives of departments and agencies courtesy of him. They are in both the private sector and public service. Many who still straddle the political and economic landscape of the country are quite relevant and influential, cutting across all political parties, sectors, and states of the federation. Perhaps Atiku chuckles when he sees pictures of Tinubu and a band sitting together with the caption “Builder of Men”.

So, you ask, where are the governors, ministers, legislators, heads of boards and agencies, billionaires, etc., that Atiku made? They are out there in the crowd. Some with him, some not, but many are silent like sleeper cells waiting for a day they’ll pay back. Of course, a few are on the other side fighting him, but that is the nature of some. Some mentees are loyal to themselves only, turning back to bite the fingers that put morsels in their mouths once they develop a semblance of a tooth.

Despite all this, Atiku never ceased to identify, cultivate, and nurture the friendship and loyalty of those who would get “it” for him. He is a politician at the apex and so knows the importance of having in his team go-getters, achievers, veterans of the game, and professional game-changers. Like an army general at the apex of command knows that his success, or victory, depends on the capability of his commanders, Atiku, who, politically, can be likened to a five-star general, knows he needs people who know their onions, people who can deliver, people who will motivate and lead the troops.

And so that was how Atiku approached his party’s primaries of last year. Some politicians make the mistake of deriding him as Dubai-based, not knowing that by extricating himself from the Nigerian scene, he sees it more clearly than being inside, just like boxing match spectators see the weaknesses of the pugilists better than the brawlers.

However, that does not mean he was not privy to what was happening at the local scene or wasn’t there by proxy. Most of the political activities of his party men either emanated from him or had his imprimatur.

His experience showed during the shadowboxing on zoning. Knowing Governor Nyesom Wike was desperate to contest, he pulled the rug from under his feet by declaring that he would not contest if the party zoned the presidency to the South East, the only zone that had not produced a president from the south under his party, the People’s Democratic Party (PDP).

Wike fell for it and rejected the idea of micro-zoning the presidency to the South East, influencing those who could make it a law not to. Governors Okezie Ikpeazu of Abia and Samuel Ortom of Benue both headed committees that advised the party on whom to pick as its national chairman and on whether to micro-zone or throw open the contest for the presidency. They both threw up what we now see, with Wike supervising everything from the background!

How Atiku made Wike believe that Iyorchia Ayu would rather see him in Hades than in the Villa beats the imagination. Up until today, Wike is in a daze. Atiku, by subterfuge, made Wike adopt his chairmanship candidate, thinking he was his. He spent his resources to see Ayu emerge and went to town basking in the belief that he had installed Atiku’s nemesis as party chairman!

And wherever Atiku was, he was at home with the “roots” of the PDP. Apart from the not-so-shadowy retired generals who see the party as theirs, most of its founders are on Waziri Adamawa’s side. Wike was therefore like an effervescence floating on the crest, without depth. It was like new money squaring up with old money. The former wouldn’t stand a chance.

And these roots, owners of the party, are the ones packaging Atiku. He is like their poster boy, their best bet to get power back. And they feel they can control him, unlike Wike. This is all that power brokers ever want. Cold and calculating, they wouldn’t have minded jettisoning him for anybody they can use as a battering ram to get what they want – power. And this is why they made Atiku and the PDP call Wike’s bluff.

Another thing is the way he arranged his media team and strategists. Out of his many spokespersons, a few are outstanding because of some of their specific and strategic assignments.

First of all, he deflected social media attention from himself. In the past, social media did not serve him that well. He got pilloried so much and that distracted him mightily.

Not to worry this time around. He engaged Reno Omokri, who at the beginning of his assignment for Atiku, barely six months ago, had about 700,000 followers on Twitter, but now has over two million. He has engaged those who would have otherwise been on Atiku’s neck and shoulders, stalking him day and night. Reno has engaged them in a never-ending war, drawing them out again and again when there is a lull, taking their pelting, while his principal moves about unmolested in cyberspace. It is a superb game plan and you cannot help but laugh at how people who see themselves as super intelligent can be easily taken on such a roller coaster ride!

In drawing the cyber bullies to himself, Reno has also taken off the back of the PDP, or its candidate, the need to attack the idol of the cyber bullies, making the party run a cleaner campaign compared to the APC whose candidate’s campaign has not thought of that. And this is why the Jagaban has become an object of ridicule and a subject of comical skits in cyberspace, a smearing experience that is sure to follow him long after the campaigns.

When it comes to roforofo fights, the one of mudslinging and throwing the kitchen sink along with the dirty water which is best suited to people like Femi Fani Kayode, Atiku has Dino Melaye at his gate. Dino is ever ready to jump into the mud even if he’s in his multi-million-naira Tom Ford Shelton Suit. And Daniel Bwala is there to engage the middle-class elite represented by the likes of Festus Keyamo on the other side.

Adamu Maina Waziri was putting up a brilliant show on the publicity front but Atiku, the political general who knows how to deploy his chess pieces, withdrew him to the engine room where his focus, go-getting spirit, intelligence, experience, versatility, administrative and organisational skills are better suited.

Next, we will look at Atiku and Asiwaju’s mode of grooming heirs that would be the next set of our country’s leaders, all things being equal.

Hassan Gimba is the Publisher and Editor-in-Chief of Neptune Prime.

Continue Reading

Opinion

End Police Atrocities on the Owerri-Port Harcourt Road Now

Published

on

End Police Atrocities on the Owerri-Port Harcourt Road Now!

By Destiny Ugorji

Traveling between Owerri and Port Harcourt has become a harrowing experience, not due to natural disasters or entirely because of poor road conditions—though the roads are in dire need of repair—but because of a deeply entrenched and well-coordinated extortion racket operated by officers of the Nigerian Police Force.

Instead of safeguarding travelers, these officers have transformed the highway into a lucrative criminal enterprise, harassing, intimidating, and robbing innocent road users with impunity.

From Igwuruta Roundabout in Rivers State to Avu Junction in Owerri, Imo State—a stretch of approximately 60 kilometers—motorists are compelled to navigate over 35 illegal police checkpoints. Each of these checkpoints serves as a tollgate where officers demand bribes under various pretenses. What should be a straightforward 1-hour-15-minute journey now takes over 2 hours and 15 minutes due to these unlawful roadblocks.

The situation is particularly egregious from Elele Roundabout to the Omerelu/Umuapu boundary—a mere 13-kilometer stretch that should take 15–20 minutes but now requires an excruciating 50 minutes due to the high concentration of these illegal checkpoints. The modus operandi is uniform: commercial drivers are coerced into paying between 100 and 200 naira per stop. Those who comply receive swift passage, while those who resist face undue scrutiny, document seizures, and threats of arrest.

Private vehicle owners are not spared. Officers, under the guise of “stop and search,” demand driver’s licenses and vehicle documents, often inventing infractions to justify bribe requests. It is as if these officers have been specially trained in the art of extortion rather than law enforcement.

The consequences of this unchecked police extortion extend beyond individual frustration. The economic ramifications are devastating. The transport sector is directly impacted, as drivers, burdened with multiple bribes at every checkpoint, transfer the cost to passengers. With food supplies heavily dependent on road transport, the ripple effect has been a sharp and consistent rise in food prices. Traders and farmers who transport perishable goods suffer heavy financial losses due to prolonged travel times, leading to increased spoilage and higher costs passed down to consumers.

The Owerri-Port Harcourt corridor is a major commercial artery. When transport costs rise due to police extortion, the cost of doing business skyrockets. Ordinary Nigerians bear the brunt of this criminality, paying more for food and services in an already fragile economy. This systemic corruption is worsening inflation and deepening the economic hardship faced by millions.

On Saturday, March 1, 2025, I personally witnessed this extortion racket in full operation. At the Omerelu-Umuapu boundary, my commercial vehicle was stopped by yet another group of rogue policemen. Having already paid 200 naira at over 15 previous checkpoints, we insisted that the driver refuse any further payments. What followed was an unnecessary delay, intimidation, and threats.

In a separate but equally distressing incident, a highly respected media scholar and communication expert, Associate Professor Walter Duru, was subjected to harassment at the same checkpoint. Despite presenting all required documents, the rogue officers desperately searched for any excuse to justify an extortion attempt. The senior officer on duty—an ASP with no visible name badge—eventually demanded 3,000 naira as a “settlement fee.” When Professor Duru refused, the ASP shamelessly said, “find us something and go.” Only after a phone call by Professor Duru to a superior officer did the ASP back down.

If a senior academic could be so brazenly harassed, one can only imagine the fate of ordinary Nigerians without connections or influence.

The extortion racket along Owerri-Port Harcourt Road is not a secret. The police hierarchy is fully aware, yet they have chosen to turn a blind eye. This inaction emboldens these rogue officers, further entrenching corruption and lawlessness on our roads.

Enough is enough. The Inspector-General of Police, the Commissioners of Police in Imo and Rivers States, and the Federal Government must take immediate, decisive action.

There is need for immediate disbandment of all Illegal Checkpoints along the Owerri-Port Harcourt highway. Only legitimate, corruption-free highway patrol units should remain.

Officers found guilty of extortion should not only be dismissed but also prosecuted to serve as a deterrent to others.

Undercover security personnel should be strategically deployed to monitor police conduct on highways and ensure compliance with anti-corruption directives.

Citizens should have a dedicated platform to report police misconduct, with guaranteed follow-up action and protection for whistleblowers.

A zero-tolerance policy for bribery and extortion must be strictly enforced through regular oversight and audits.

The Nigerian Police Force must purge itself of these criminals in uniform. If over 80% of officers are unfit for service due to corruption and incompetence, then a radical reform of the entire force is necessary. We need a recruitment system that prioritizes integrity and professionalism over political patronage.

To the Federal Government, the Inspector-General of Police, the governments of Rivers and Imo States, and all well-meaning Nigerians: the blood of innocent travelers harassed and extorted daily cries out for justice. The economic devastation caused by police corruption must no longer be ignored.

Act now before this lawlessness spirals further out of control. We demand justice. We demand security. And we demand an end to this daylight robbery on Owerri-Port Harcourt Road.

Continue Reading

Opinion

Chess, that bomb in your hands, and masters of the game, Hassan Gimba

Published

on

Chess, that bomb in your hands, and masters of the game, Hassan Gimba

In 1984 there was a universal review of the dystopian novel Nineteen Eight- Four, sometimes written and published as 1984, written by George Orwell. More known for his satirical book Animal Farm, George Orwell is a pen name adopted by Eric Arthur Blair, an English novelist, poet, essayist, journalist and critic. According to Wikipedia, “his work is characterised by lucid prose, social criticism, opposition to all totalitarianism, and support of democratic socialism.”

Published in 1949, after the Second World War, Nineteen Eighty-Four, as earlier observed, is a dystopian novel that warns against totalitarian governments that control every aspect of citizens’ lives. With terms such as “Big Brother”, “doublethink”, and “newspeak”, Orwell wrote the book as a cautionary tale after seeing what happened to people in Nazi Germany and fearing that totalitarianism could easily take over the US and Britain, enriching the English lexicon with the adjectival term “Orwellian,” for a political system in which the government tries to control every part of people’s lives.

It’s a sobering reality that in all the reviews, there was a convergence of opinions that governments, especially those of Western nations and the ones in the then Eastern Bloc, exemplified by that of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR), have become pervasive, with eyes and ears everywhere, watching and listening to everyone as done to Winston Smith in the 1984 satire.

While the West’s “eye on us” may not be as overt as Orwell depicted, we are nonetheless an open book to them. We hide nothing from them because we cannot. This is true for using smartphones, smart televisions, tablets, laptops, desktops, Google, social media, and the internet.

Have you ever seen your movements captured by Google? As long as your phone is with you, google records and stores all your movements. It is the same with your phone calls. You may begin to see adverts on issues you discuss. If women discuss abortion, they would start seeing adverts on drugs and ways for it. Discuss money, and start seeing adverts from loan sharks.

Your phones can easily be used to trace you. And now, after seeing what the Israelites did to Hamas with pagers, you better know that your phone might not only be a spying device on you but an improvised explosive device (IED). A rigged bomb you are carrying about in your pocket. 

In Gideon’s Spies: The Secret History of the Mossad, first published in 1999, Gordon Thomas, resulting from closed-door interviews with Mossad agents, informants, and spymasters as well as drawing from classified documents and top-secret sources, revealed previously untold truths about Mossad.

Mossad is the national intelligence agency of Israel, responsible for intelligence collection and covert operations, including the assassination of perceived enemies.

In the highly compelling and acclaimed book, he revealed that computers have spying chips embedded in them that Mossad accesses. Desktop computers, Laptops, printers, and similar devices are irreplaceable components in all workplaces. These office necessities are everywhere, including in homes.

From the highest office in the land to all sensitive departments, down to all security offices and those of all leaders across the executive, legislative, and judicial arms, you must find computers, laptops, smart TVs, and all those devices that we do not produce here but import from Western nations or Israel.

The Mossad used personal pagers to target members of Hamas, a Palestinian militant group, in a series of operations. This demonstrates the potential for technology to be used for surveillance and control.

Smart televisions, like the social media sites we visit through our phones, monitor and save our preferences and keep bringing up topics related to them to us.

Why do you think countries like China, Russia, Iran, North Korea and those fiercely independent do not allow Western internet providers or other satellites like Starlink to operate in their spheres? They do all they can to develop theirs. This is not just a local issue but a global one that affects us all. This could explain why America under Donald Trump never wants Huawei phones. Apart from the fact that it beats the American iPhone in terms of popularity, affordability and effectiveness, Trump knew what relegating the iPhone worldwide would do to his country’s ability to see many things.

This is not limited to the iPhone as all Android phones are in the same category and do the same function of monitoring their owner, just as all social media sites. Anything you write on Facebook is stored even if you delete it without sending it out.

These powerful entities use a cunning strategy to control their perceived enemies. They tie them to their apron strings, present them with the faces of “lovers,” and wrap them up economically and security-wise. An instance can be seen in how the Arab defence systems are systematically tied to the US. The Israeli security firm Kochav has provided billions of dollars worth of services in the UAE and Saudi Arabia, including surveillance systems.

Until we start indigenising our technology, we will remain open books to be accessed anytime through Google and satellites. The need for technological independence is not just a suggestion; it’s a call to action. It’s a path to reclaiming our power and control over our lives. Can you see the wisdom in educating our children in our languages as the Chinese, Turkish, Russians, North Koreans, and Iranians do? Can you see why these nations are racing ahead, developing and industrialising their nations with local materials and technology, using their people? The time to act is before we lose even more control over our privacy and independence.

We must develop the power to change this, build our technology, and protect our privacy.

Any country that will remain the recipient of foreign technology can never be independent, and neither can its leaders because the country and its leaders, nay, citizens, remain stark naked in front of those that do not desire to see them become united, strong, politically and economically independent. The consequences of inaction are dire, but the potential benefits of taking action, such as reclaiming our privacy and independence, are immense and within our reach.

However, the fight to emancipate the world would be not only interesting and full of chess-like manoeuvres but also hazardous, and it promises to be a fight to the death.

It is a consolation that the Russians, Chinese, and Persians are chess masters, but what of us in Africa?

Continue Reading

Opinion

Let’s Save Our Democracy from this Axis Of Evil, by Hassan Gimba

Published

on

Let’s Save Our Democracy from this Axis Of Evil, by Hassan Gimba

Several people, including Nigerian leaders, have said that democracy, as a form of government, has no better alternative. And why not, if democracy is all about a system of government in which the governed freely participate in electing their representatives?

Nigeria has had a go at practising democracy even before its independence from Britain. From independence, we practised it fully for six years, though it was the Westminster system, bequeathed to us by the colonisers. It got its name from the central London area hosting the Parliament of the United Kingdom.

The Westminster model, which Nigeria started with, is a system in which there is a head of state (or president), a prime minister who heads the government, and an elected parliament (made up of one or two houses) from which the head of government emerges.

Then, there was a thirteen-year military interregnum, during which the men in khaki and jackboots ran the country’s affairs by decree and instituting a unitary form of government, the top-to-bottom command structure they knew all too well.

Fully aware that democracy is more in tandem with human nature, the Khaki Boys organised a constitutional conference in 1979 to usher in a democratic government, opting for a presidential system fashioned after the American model.

However, it did not last as long as the parliamentary system because, four years later, the jackboots returned. It was only 15 years later, in 1999, that the starched khaki-wearing leaders freed Nigeria from their grasp after seeing that stratocracy was globally going out of fashion.

In all of our adventurism with the forms of democracy, it is only in the current dispensation that one sees politicians holding the reins of their party’s leadership, yet sabotaging it.

In the First Republic, for instance, Obafemi Awolowo was the chairman of the Action Congress (AG), while Anthony Enahoro, and later Bola Ige, were its secretaries-general. The National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC) had Herbert Macaulay and Nnamdi Azikiwe as chairman and secretary-general, respectively.

The Second Republic’s National Party of Nigeria (NPN) had Augustus Akinloye as its chairman, and the Peoples Redemption Party (PRP) had Alhaji Falalu Bello. In this dispensation, we have had the All Progressives Congress (APC) with Bisi Akande and Tijjani Musa Tumsah as chairman and secretary-general, respectively.

Despite the average man’s inordinate desire for worldly gains, these chairmen of the opposition political parties never took part in any subterfuge against their parties. History will surely be kind to them as those who endured being in opposition for the sake of democracy and integrity.

There is no integrity where a citizen is playing politics for his stomach. It becomes worse when he willingly sells himself to the devil so that he can own mansions, choice plots, and hefty bank accounts in various currencies. These are the sorts of people that history consigns to the dirty bin it keeps for villains and the immoral.

We may not sound the alarm over the heinous acts of the unprincipled and “long-throat” politicians if not for their desperate—and, from all indications, succeeding—shenanigans involving the judiciary that could jeopardise our democracy.

They are bent on making a mockery of the judiciary, compromising those they can compromise and shopping for favourable judgements from “understanding” or “sympathetic” judges.

As a result of this unholy romance between a triumvirate of monied politicians (whose source of wealth can lead to capital punishment in a sane country), the perfidious, unscrupulous party chieftains, and mercenary judges, Nigeria’s democracy is at risk from this “axis of evil!”

This repugnant alliance, apart from casting the courts in a bad light, is threatening to give them a role never envisaged for them by the framers of our constitution—a power superseding even that of the constitution. Now, courts are managers of political parties, telling them when to meet, who their leaders should be, who their members should be, etc. This is why those who defected from their party—whom the constitution says cease to be party members—remain in their seats courtesy of the courts. Some judgements even turn established precedents and Supreme Court rulings on their heads.

Many lawyers, too, have become willing tools in the hands of the “axis of evil,” as they have no qualms defending the indefensible under the cover of the Constitution, which deems one innocent until proven otherwise. Ordinarily, they know, we know, and everyone knows that the culprits are guilty as charged.

The law must be applied common-sensibly. As the late Gani Fawehinmi, SAN, would say, legality should be guided by morality. Any law or court that sides with the wrongdoer is not helping the country.

This is why law and order are breaking down because the criminal-minded know that even if arrested, they can meander their way out as there are clever lawyers ready to take their rotten briefs for the money and judges who would set them free for a pot of porridge. The rotten lawyers know the houses and haunts of the rotten judges… birds of a feather, they say, flock together.

Is it any wonder that the wicked no longer fear the law or the authority doling it out, or that the innocent citizen fears the outlaw more than the custodian of the law? For one, the lawbreaker knows his atrocities might go unpunished, while the law-abiding fears the law cannot protect him since he may not be able to afford it.

This is why, among many others, the sit-at-home agenda of separatists in the Southeast will continue to be obeyed.

But like almost everything, there must be a way out. Oh, sure, there must be.

The Judicial Service Commission must intervene. They must remove the rug from under the feet of renegade judges who have become turncoats. The Legal Practitioners Disciplinary Committee (LPDC) must start punishing lawyers who engage in forum shopping and other ethical breaches.

But before that, the Nigerian Law School must incorporate subjects into its curriculum to teach the importance of morality and loyalty to the Constitution and the nation.

Then the judiciary must truly be independent in all ramifications; therefore, houses, cars, and any other welfare should not be doled out to its members by the executive. These are not favours and should not be made to be so or to look like one.

Hassan Gimba, anipr, is the publisher and CEO of Neptune Prime.

Continue Reading

Trending

Copyright © 2021 All rights reserved. This material, and other digital content on this website, may not be reproduced, published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed in whole or in part without prior express written permission from August24news.com
This Website is designed and Managed by: August 24 Communications Nigerian Limited (RC: 798585)