Opinion
ANALYSIS: Suspension Of CJN Onnoghen: An Illegal Executive Coup Against A Recalcitrant Chief Judicial Officer By Jiti Ogunye
Published
6 years agoon

Eniola Olayemi
On Friday, January 25, 2019, the President of Nigeria , Muhammadu Buhari, suspended the Chief Justice of Nigeria, Justice Walter Nkannu Samuel Onnoghen from office, and immediately administered the judicial oath of office to the most senior Supreme Court Justice , next in rank to him, Justice Ibrahim Tanko Muhammed as the Acting Chief Justice of Nigeria.
Following that act, the president delivered a 25-paragraph address, akin to a coup speech, wherein he gave reasons for his action.
Essentially, the president explained that he was swiftly executing an order ex-parte ( that is, a one sided order procured without notice to, and the knowledge of the “suspended” CJN or his lawyers) of the Code of Conduct Tribunal (CCT), made and dated the 23rd day of January, 2019.
The order mandated him to suspend the CJN from office, pending the final determination of his trial at the CCT, and swear in the Justice of the Supreme Court next to him in rank, as an acting CJN.
The president further explained that sequel to the filing of corruption related charges against the CJN by the Code of Conduct Bureau (CCB) before the CCT and the commencement of his “trial “for gross violations of the provisions of the Code of Conduct for public officers, as stipulated in the Constitution of Nigeria, the CJN, instead of resigning his position took steps to frustrate his trial.
The CJN had been accused in the charges of receiving into and retaining in many banks accounts huge sums of money in foreign and local currencies, without disclosing them in his asset declaration forms and documents submitted to the CCB.
Unusual Speed
On January 7, 2019, the CCB received the petition against the CJN and between that date and 14th January, 2919, treated the petition and filed charges against the CJN, leading to his expected arraignment.
Many were shocked by the speed of that process, making many to wonder whether that speed did not signify that the FGN was coordinating the plot to remove the CJN from office.
The publicised demand of the Federal Executive Branch of Government for the resignation of the CJN from office , and the hollow and flat statement made by Vice President, claiming the President was not aware of the travail of the CJN before he was charged were pointers that the Buhari Administration was the resolute and implacable force behind the effort to remove the CJN from office.
When the CJN was confronted with the particulars of his infractions, upon the receipt of a petition from an NGO that submitted same, calling for his probe and prosecution, he made a ‘confession’.
In a a written statement that he volunteered, he admitted the ownership of the bank accounts and the sums therein contained, but claimed that he forgot to declare the bank accounts.
In the face of these damning confession, the president stated that Nigerians had expected the CJN to resign his office.
But instead of doing that, a team of senior lawyers working with him had obtained a number of orders from the courts to frustrate his trial.
It was in consequence of these orders that the Executive had to act.
It sought an order to suspend the CJN from office and upon the order being granted by the CCT, acted swiftly to suspend the CJN from office.
Divided Public
As it has now become the pattern, public opinion on the action taken against the CJN by the president is sharply divided.
A section of the public is of the view that the president acted illegally and unconstitutionally. They cite the provisions of Section 292 of the Constitution, which guarantees security of tenure for judicial officers, especially the CJN.
By this, he cannot be suspended or removed from office without the recommendation of the NJC and the 2/3 concurring approval of the Senate.
The other section hails the action of the President, contending that it is premised on a valid and subsisting order of the CCT, which has not been set aside, and which is incumbent on the President to enforce.
This section of opinion believes that the action of the President addresses the substance of the allegation of corrupt practices against the CJN, the tackling of which is being frustrated by the resort to technicalities and procedural niceties of law, a slavish adherence to the labyrinth of the due process of law, and treading of the laborious path of the rule of law.
Informed View
Faced with the divided, nay partisan opinion on the matter, patriots, lovers of democracy, believers in the rule of law and abhorrers of corrupt practices in our public life must take an informed and well considered view on the far- reaching and unprecedented step the Executive Branch of Government has taken.
While isolated (and we say not pervasive) cases of corrupt practices in the judiciary must be combated assiduously by our anti-corruption agencies under the Executive Branch of Government, Nigerians must decry the procedure adopted by the Muhammadu Administration.
Because of wrong procedure, the suspension is patently illegal and unconstitutional. It is disingenuous for anyone to argue to the contrary.
The suspension, which the Administration argues emanates from an order of the CCT is no more than a premeditated executive act dressed up in a quasi judicial cloak to give it legitimacy.
It was akin to what the military regime of General Bademasi Babangida did while fishing for judicial pretexts to stop the holding of the June 12 1993 Presidential Election, and annul it altogether.
It used its proxies to procure orders of injunctions from Hon Justice Bassey Ikpeme and Hon. Justice Dahiru Saleh of the Abuja High Court to stop the holding of the election and when the election was held, to stop the counting and release of the results.
This was in spite of the fact that the decree guiding the transition to civil rule programme had prohibited the granting of such orders, which could truncate the conduct of the election!
And it is puerile to argue that the mode of suspending or removing the CJN from office, as clearly defined by the Constitution can be circumvented by reliance on the provisions of Section 11 of the Interpretation Act, Cap 123, Vol. 8, LFN, 2004, an inferior statute, compared to the Constitution, the Supreme Law of the land.
The act of the Buhari Executive cannot be justified by invoking the provision of the Interpretation Act.
The precedent of the unconstitutional and wicked ill treatment meted to Justice Isa Ayo Salami, erstwhile President of the Court of Appeal by the Goodluck Jonathan Presidency, cannot be used as justification.
Incidentally, the senior lawyers that colluded with the Goodluck Jonathan Administration then to traduce and harangue Hon. Justice Isa Ayo Salami, CFR, and cruelly and crudely abort his presidency of the Court of Appeal are now the in the CJN Onnoghen’s corner, mouthing “the rule of law“ , “due process of law” , “judicial independence“, and decrying an alleged descent into fascism.
Political Game Play
Apparently, the executive branch of the government desired the ouster of the CJN from office.
To actualise the objective, it worked closely with a shadowy NGO to dredge up CJN Onnoghen’s infractions of provisions of the Code of Conduct for Public Officers. Many of these infractions predated the appointment of Justice Onnoghen as the CJN in 2017.
But there was no political exigency then for the use of the discovered and known transgressions of the CJN. The motive for using the allegationsnow is the feared harm the judiciary that is presided over by the CJN could do to the political interests of the ruling party, especially regarding pre-election cases and election petitions.
The CJN is facing an indefensible and shameful allegation of corruption against him , an allegation which warrants that he resigns from office, without waiting for his suspension from office by the Executive Branch of Government. But if the truth must be told, the reasons for the action of the Executive are beyond the fight against corrupt practices in the Judiciary.
The constitutional path to be charted to legally suspend or remove a CJN from office is luminously delineated by the Constitution.
What the Law Says
By virtue of Section 292(1)(a)(i) of the Constitution, the CJN cannot be removed from his office or appointment before his retirement age ( or suspended from office while the real intention is to secure his removal ) except by the President, acting on an address supported by two thirds majority of the Senate.
The NJC, by virtue of paragraph 21(b) of Part 1 of the Third Schedule to the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 ( as amended ) recommends to the President the removal from office of certain category of judicial officers including the CJN , and exercises disciplinary control over them. Problematic? Of course, yes.
This is because regulators are being impracticably saddled with the power to regulate themselves. But that is the path for the removal or suspension of the CJN from office as provided by the Constitution!
Section 18, Part 1 of the Fifth Schedule to the Constitution defines the power of the CCT. In particular, Section 18 (2) stipulates the punishments which the CCT may impose upon conclusion of trial. They are : (a) vacation of office or seat in any legislative house as the case may be; (b) disqualification from membership of a legislative house and from the holding of any public office for a period not exceeding ten years; and (c) seizure and forfeiture to the State of any property acquired in abuse or corruption of office.
Instructively, the CCT is not vested with any power under the Constitution or the Code of Conduct Tribunal Act to order the Executive Branch of Government to suspend a public officer who is undergoing trial before it, from office, pending the conclusion of trial, as the CCT has purportedly done.
Also instructive is the fact that being a quasi criminal tribunal, the rules of procedure of the CCT is the Administration of Criminal Justice Act, a criminal procedure act, under which an ex parte or interlocutory order, analogous to an order of injunction obtainable in civil proceedings (under the civil procedure rules of our courts) may not be validly sought or granted.
What the Executive Branch of Government has done in the circumstances, therefore, was to force the matter of the desired removal of the CJN from office.
The Federal Government knew there were constitutional blockades against its desired removal of the CJN from office.
It recognized that FRN V NGANJIWA, 2018, 4 NWLR (Pt. 1609), 301 at 341 and 349, is a caselaw obstacle. But it was determined not to be restrained or frustrated by the rule of law.
Dangerous Precedent
The suspension of the CJN should, therefore, not be cynically and mischievously tied to the quest to preserve the rule of law, as the Executive has done. What the Executive has done is an inconsiderate abuse of power.
It erodes the independence of the judiciary.
It creates a scary precedent allowing the Executive Branch of Government, acting by itself or through selected surrogates or proxies, to file a petition before the CCB and casually and interminably saunter into the CCT to obtain an ex parte order against a judge, suspending him from office, pending the determination of the charge that is filed against him or her by the CCB or the conclusion of his trial by the CCT.
If this precedent were to become a permanent rule of law, the security of tenure that is granted to judicial officers under the Constitution will become tenure of insecurity” for judicial officers.
The legal profession in Nigeria, Bar and Bench must, however, accept that in many ways, some of its members, including senior lawyers, have contributed immensely to the burgeoning of corrupt practices in the legal profession, and to the counterfeiting of the rule of law.
While many were complaining about the haste with which the Onnoghen ouster project was being prosecuted by the Executive Branch of Government, a desperate Chief Justice Onnoghen, with the assistance of an equality desperate team of lawyers stormed two courts (Federal High Court and the National Industrial Court) on Monday the 14th of January, 2019 to procure orders restraining the CCT from proceeding with the arraignment or trial of the CJN.
The cases were filed on that day, processed, assigned and heard. The case before the National Industrial Court was filed by an NGO, and not the CJN, who, in law, is the only one who has the locus standi to institute an action relating to his appointment, employment as a judicial officer or office in an industrial court.
Being an industrial court, the primary litigants in that court are employees, employers, trade or labour unions, and employers associations. Not any busy body.
And yet both the Bar and Bench continue to admonish against abuse of processes of our courts.
As if that anormaly was not bad enough, following the commencement of proceedings before the CCT and arguments on the issue of service, appearance of the CJN and challenge to the jurisdiction of the Court, the CJN immediately approached the Court of Appeal seeking an order to stay the proceedings of his dawning arraignment and trial before the CCT, without waiting for the resumption of proceedings before the CCT on Monday 28th January, 2019.
The CCT had adjourned the continuation of hearing of the matter from the 22nd January to the 28th of January, 2019.
Unfortunately, contrary to the decision of the Supreme Court, on the 24th of January, 2019, the Court of Appeal granted an order in favour of the CJN staying the proceedings of the CCT, until 30th of January, 2019, thereby, in a way, provoking the Executive to intervene by effecting the order of the CCT directing it to suspend the CJN.
In Saraki v FRN 2016, 3 NWLR, Pt 1500,531 at pp 579 ; paras E-H; 581 paras F-G; and pp 583 -584, paras H-A , the Supreme Court held that the nature of the jurisdiction of the CCT is a quasi criminal jurisdiction, and that the rule of procedure applicable in the proceedings conducted before the CCT is the Administration of Criminal Justice Act. In Metuh v FRN, 2017, 11 NWLR , Pt. 1575, 157, at pp. 176-177, paras G-B; 179, paras A-C, E-F, ; 180, paras C-E ; 181-182, paras G-C ; and 183 , paras C-E, the Supreme Court held that under Section 306 of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act , 2015 , a trial court ( and afortiori an appellate court ) lacks the power to stay proceedings of criminal trial ( and a trial before a court of quasi criminal jurisdiction, if we need to add).
Looking Inward
In the handling of anti corruption cases and political cases ( suits emanating from conduct of primaries of parties and election petitions) , members of the legal profession continue to face justifiable blames and accusations.
The recent proclivity of our courts to grant orders and deliver judgments preventing a political party from holding its primaries and nullifying entire primaries conducted in states , thus preventing the party from fielding candidates in the upcoming general elections, has only added to the perception that the Judiciary is toeing a path of war against that political party and its interests.
We had not expected that while exercising its judicial power in respect of testy and difficult intra-party congresses and primaries for selection of candidates, the Judiciary will place a blanket ban on a political party not to field candidates in an election, thereby giving a technical victory to other political parties ahead of the election.
Such decisions do not only affect the party at the receiving end of such an order, but also implicate the constitutional right of voters to elect candidates of their choice, since their preferred candidates and party may be those barred from participating in the election.
Decisions barring parties from fielding their candidates, which are hailed by some as the triumph of the rule of law is, therefore, an invitation to judicial instability, as political power wielders will escalate their use of the Judiciary as a field to wage their power struggle and supremacy battles.
In the face of assault, contempt and provocation, the Judiciary is not expected always to resort to retribution and vengeance. It can truly do justice according to law, while extricating itself from a path that may lead to its being carelessy, recklessly and unfairly branded as a politically partisan umpire.
Nigerians can then imagine that the Muhammadu Buhari Administration that once had described the Judiciary as “it’s headache” could quickly in the prevailing circumstances have developed a persecution complex, fearing that it may suffer irreparable judicial decimation in the elections petitions that may arise from the forthcoming elections, if there was no ‘intervention’ in the Judiciary, and CJN Onnoghen was left in the saddle.
The fact that beneficiaries of certain political and anti corruption cases that were decided by the Judiciary, and their very familiar lawyers are now the vociferous defenders of the Judiciary against a “rampaging and dictatorial“ Executive Branch of Government is a further “proof” which the Onnoghen ouster conspiracy will celebrate as the evidence of judicial partiality and lack of independence under Chief Judgeship of Hon. Justice Onnoghen.
Looking Ahead
In order to save the Judiciary from further assault and embarrassment, and Nigeria from further international humiliation, a number of urgent steps must be taken by the Judiciary, the Executive Branch of Government and the legal profession.
The President must withdraw his purported execution of the order of the CCT suspending CJN Onnoghen from office, and swearing in Hon. Justice Ibrahim Tanko Muhammed as the Acting CJN of Nigeria.
This must be done immediately to stabilise the failing health of the Supreme Court that must have been occasioned by the act of the President.
Hon. Justice Walter Samuel Onnoghen must immediately resign from the office of the Chief Justice of Nigeria.
His reputation as a judge and as the head of the Nigerian Judiciary has been irreparably damaged, and his clinging to judicial office will not serve any useful purpose at this time.
His attempt to shield himself in office as exemplified by the inexplicable panicky indefinite postponement of the meeting of the NJC on 15th January , 2019, thereby robbing the NJC of its earliest opportunity to discuss the issue of his charge before the CCT is not helping him.
If anything, it portrays him, very unfortunately, as a person who is determined to cling to judicial office while the Judiciary is engulfed in crisis, flowing from issues relating to his alleged ethical infirmities.
The President of the Nigerian Bar Association, who is also facing a criminal prosecution by the Federal Republic of Nigeria (EFCC) should either step down from the presidency of the NBA or recuse himself from the membership of the NJC, pending the conclusion of the criminal charge against him.
Even when his presumption of innocence is conceded, this is the only way to guarantee that his representation of the NBA in the NJC is not used and surbodinated in the prevailing circumstances to the pursuit of his self interest to have himself discharged and acquitted.
The NJC must meet immediately to accept the resignation of Honorable Justice Onnoghen, and forward same to the President; and recommend a new Chief Justice of Nigeria to the President for a due appointment, with the approval and confirmation of the Senate.
In the meantime, the President will now be in a position to properly exercise his powers under Section 231(4) of the Constitution to appoint an Acting CJN in the person of Hon. Justice Ibrahim Tanko Muhammed.
The NBA and members of the legal profession must be mobilised not only to condemn the Executive for its acts of interference in the Judiciary, but also to compel Hon. Justice Onnoghen to resign as the CJN with immediate effect.
The unwitting impression the legal profession creates when it condemns the Executive without demanding for the resignation of the CJN is that it is protecting the CJN and shielding him from facing the consequences of alleged involvement in corrupt practices .
In addressing the issues that the actions of the Executive have raised, state actors and stakeholders in the Judiciary and outside it must ensure that the Judiciary is not further politicised or divided along ethnic or religious lines.
Finally, the current debacle rocking the Judiciary must be resolved to preserve and grow Nigerian constitutional democracy and rule of law and intensify the fight again corruption in Nigeria’s public life.
Jiti Ogunye, a public interest attorney, commentator, and author, is the legal adviser to Premium Times.
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FEATURES
How I escaped with wife, child, but lost mechanic, car to Otedola Bridge tanker fire, by Dotun Oladipo
Published
1 month agoon
March 15, 2025
I write this from a point of pain and gratitude. Pain because of the death of a hard working and honest man, Rotimi Olaleye, who is both a great father, as attested to by his children who he has been taking care of single handedly since his wife died about five years ago, and an honest and diligent auto mechanic, as confirmed by his clients, including yours truly. We met less than a week before his death, but he left an unforgettable impression on me, even in death.

Gratitude? I was less than 10 seconds away from where Mr. Olaleye was when the fire that took his life occurred with my wife and first child.
Let me start from the beginning. I met Mr. Olaleye on March 8, 2025 following a need to change my mechanic. I was introduced to him by the best car air conditioning technician I had ever met, Mr. Akinola Ayeni. We drove the car together on that day. He spotted some issues, including the fact that the former handler was as careless as not putting the knots that should be holding the connecting ABS wire to the wheel of the driver’s side, by just driving the car. That was quickly fixed. And he told me, very honestly, that other things had to wait until Monday. That he needed to finish some other jobs. I left happily.
On Monday, I took the car to him. He appeared meticulous. Despite the fact that I told him that on completing the work on the Highlander, which my wife uses, I was going to send in my own car for servicing, he was not in a hurry to declare the vehicle fit.
On Tuesday morning, the first accident occurred on Otedola Bridge. My wife had to return home. By the way, we live in one of the most organised estates around OPIC in Ogun State. Before she returned, Mr. Olaleye had told me to stay in coming to meet him as he had already spent three hours from Mowe in Ogun State and was yet to get to Berger in Lagos State, a journey of less than 30 minutes. From that time on, he kept briefing me on developments until 6pm when he told me he was now satisfied with the car.
I immediately asked him if I could head in his direction. The answer was no. He wanted to get the car washed. I told him I would take it to the car wash the following day. He said even if I do, it should still be washed. I gave up arguing.
Then at 7pm, Mr. Olaleye told me the washing had been completed by his apprentices. I called my wife, Mrs. Taiwo Oladipo, that it was time to go home. By the way, we have our offices in the same building. By the time she came downstairs to meet me, I discovered that my first daughter, Ewaoluwa, a 500 Level student of Chemical Engineering, who had requested to follow us home, was yet to leave her friend’s house. So we waited for her. For a few minutes.
When we eventually set out, we discovered we needed to buy drinking water for the house. Mrs. Oladipo and Miss Oladipo said we should buy it close to the office in Ogba area of Lagos State because each bottle was N400 cheaper than what we would get close to the house. That would save us some cool N2,000. I said no, Mr. Olaleye was waiting for us. As I zoomed past the supermarket on the way, my wife said let’s buy the water. I stopped. Reversed. We spent about 10 minutes doing that.
Then we meandered our way through the New Afrika Shrine area onto the Opay building, less than two minutes to where Mr. Olaleye was waiting for us. He said he was already by the gate of the mechanic village, which was to the right of Otedola Bridge, underneath. So I told him emphatically in Yoruba: “E maa ri wa ni iseju kan (You will see us in one minute).”
As we descended the bridge and approached the divider that separated those heading towards the Lagos-Ibadan Expressway and those going to CMD Road, just about 10 seconds to where Mr. Olaleye had already parked both his car and my wife’s, Mrs. Oladipo was the first to notice a truck that had obviously lost control.
Instinct immediately set in and I changed course towards CMD Road. And in split seconds, the truck crashed, the seal of the tanker burst open and the sky became blue, an indication that the truck was bearing gas. Between the seconds when we saw the truck and when the seal opened, I had dialled the last number on the dashboard of the car, which was that of Mr. Akin. It was ringing when the explosion occurred. And then followed the massive fire.
I was annoyingly slow for some people behind me. One woman came out of her car and started banging ours: “Move, move.” She did it a second time and I wound down the back glass, addressing her and my wife who had also become agitated: “We have a man down there. Let’s see if there is still something we can do before we go too far.” And then his line stopped ringing.
My head immediately told me to call Mr. Ayeni. As soon as he picked it up, he asked me: “Have you collected your car? Rotimi has parked by the gate and is waiting for you.” He did not even hear me saying there was trouble at the workshop until I shouted at the top of my voice. Mr. Ayeni, who was at Agidingbi, immediately turned back. He, alongside others, discovered the remains of Mr. Olaleye, lying face down. His apprentices who were with him said as the truck crashed, he told them to flee that he needed to “save his customer’s car”. Meanwhile, his own car was just behind mine. He succeeded in turning the car around to face the workshop. But that was as far as he made it. I cried that night. Something I have not done in several years. I wept bitterly.
In the short period I knew Mr. Olaleye, I learnt a lot of lessons. He left an impact I would never forget. But it was a pity he didn’t pick my last call, which was to tell him to abandon the car and flee to safety. His meticulousness on the job was second to none from what I saw in the three days of being with him. He also knew his job. Adieu Mr. Olaleye.
I was informed as I was ending this piece that a staff of Zenith Bank Plc and his wife died in the accident. The husband was said to have just resumed from his annual vacation that day. He had just picked his wife and they were heading home when they were caught in the explosion. May their souls and those of others I do not know involved in the accident rest in peace.
To the Lagos State Government, bravo. The response by the emergency responders was swift. However, it was not enough. Only one fire truck arrived after 15 or 20 minutes of the fire. After it exhausted its water, it took another 15 or 20 minutes for another to arrive. By the time Mr. Ayeni and others reached where Mr. Olaleye was, he was still breathing. But help did not reach him on time. But beyond that, the team did well. Despite the damages and the danger of dealing with a gas explosion, the scene was cleared well under 18 hours.
To the company that owns the truck that lost its brake and ended up ending no fewer than five lives and consuming properties that included cars and buildings, Second Coming Gas Company, I am torn between knocking them and giving them kudos. This was because of their response to the victims who were admitted in the hospital. The following day, the management staff had reached out to those in the hospital and met with the executives of the technicians association affected. They were making plans, like some of us are doing, to reach out to the children of Mr. Olaleye. I was told their mum died about five years ago. And the company is in discussion with the technicians on how to alleviate their losses.
But they could have done better. That truck was faulty as those who passed by it on CMD Road before it crashed noticed. The driver was, obviously, trying to manage it into the station on CMD Road. I imagine if it was into the station, which had drinking bars and other joints around it, the truck crashed.
I also pity Lagosians who have to pay N15,000 for third party insurance but get no benefit when the accident involves fire as a representative of Nicon Insurance Limited said. It amounts to gifting the company money for rendering limited services.
To the Federal Road Safety Corps and Lagos State Traffic Emergency Management Agency, you still have a long way to go. It appears the traffic laws in Lagos are meant more for private vehicle owners. Whereas we know that most infractions are committed by commercial vehicle owners, including the trucks that bear inflammable and heavy materials. When these agencies exercise their mandates fully, it is then those with warped minds will come to the realisation it is drivers who have no regard for lives and properties that are the cause of accidents on the Otedola and Kara bridges.
Opinion
End Police Atrocities on the Owerri-Port Harcourt Road Now
Published
2 months agoon
March 4, 2025End Police Atrocities on the Owerri-Port Harcourt Road Now!
By Destiny Ugorji
Traveling between Owerri and Port Harcourt has become a harrowing experience, not due to natural disasters or entirely because of poor road conditions—though the roads are in dire need of repair—but because of a deeply entrenched and well-coordinated extortion racket operated by officers of the Nigerian Police Force.
Instead of safeguarding travelers, these officers have transformed the highway into a lucrative criminal enterprise, harassing, intimidating, and robbing innocent road users with impunity.


From Igwuruta Roundabout in Rivers State to Avu Junction in Owerri, Imo State—a stretch of approximately 60 kilometers—motorists are compelled to navigate over 35 illegal police checkpoints. Each of these checkpoints serves as a tollgate where officers demand bribes under various pretenses. What should be a straightforward 1-hour-15-minute journey now takes over 2 hours and 15 minutes due to these unlawful roadblocks.
The situation is particularly egregious from Elele Roundabout to the Omerelu/Umuapu boundary—a mere 13-kilometer stretch that should take 15–20 minutes but now requires an excruciating 50 minutes due to the high concentration of these illegal checkpoints. The modus operandi is uniform: commercial drivers are coerced into paying between 100 and 200 naira per stop. Those who comply receive swift passage, while those who resist face undue scrutiny, document seizures, and threats of arrest.
Private vehicle owners are not spared. Officers, under the guise of “stop and search,” demand driver’s licenses and vehicle documents, often inventing infractions to justify bribe requests. It is as if these officers have been specially trained in the art of extortion rather than law enforcement.
The consequences of this unchecked police extortion extend beyond individual frustration. The economic ramifications are devastating. The transport sector is directly impacted, as drivers, burdened with multiple bribes at every checkpoint, transfer the cost to passengers. With food supplies heavily dependent on road transport, the ripple effect has been a sharp and consistent rise in food prices. Traders and farmers who transport perishable goods suffer heavy financial losses due to prolonged travel times, leading to increased spoilage and higher costs passed down to consumers.
The Owerri-Port Harcourt corridor is a major commercial artery. When transport costs rise due to police extortion, the cost of doing business skyrockets. Ordinary Nigerians bear the brunt of this criminality, paying more for food and services in an already fragile economy. This systemic corruption is worsening inflation and deepening the economic hardship faced by millions.
On Saturday, March 1, 2025, I personally witnessed this extortion racket in full operation. At the Omerelu-Umuapu boundary, my commercial vehicle was stopped by yet another group of rogue policemen. Having already paid 200 naira at over 15 previous checkpoints, we insisted that the driver refuse any further payments. What followed was an unnecessary delay, intimidation, and threats.
In a separate but equally distressing incident, a highly respected media scholar and communication expert, Associate Professor Walter Duru, was subjected to harassment at the same checkpoint. Despite presenting all required documents, the rogue officers desperately searched for any excuse to justify an extortion attempt. The senior officer on duty—an ASP with no visible name badge—eventually demanded 3,000 naira as a “settlement fee.” When Professor Duru refused, the ASP shamelessly said, “find us something and go.” Only after a phone call by Professor Duru to a superior officer did the ASP back down.
If a senior academic could be so brazenly harassed, one can only imagine the fate of ordinary Nigerians without connections or influence.
The extortion racket along Owerri-Port Harcourt Road is not a secret. The police hierarchy is fully aware, yet they have chosen to turn a blind eye. This inaction emboldens these rogue officers, further entrenching corruption and lawlessness on our roads.
Enough is enough. The Inspector-General of Police, the Commissioners of Police in Imo and Rivers States, and the Federal Government must take immediate, decisive action.
There is need for immediate disbandment of all Illegal Checkpoints along the Owerri-Port Harcourt highway. Only legitimate, corruption-free highway patrol units should remain.
Officers found guilty of extortion should not only be dismissed but also prosecuted to serve as a deterrent to others.
Undercover security personnel should be strategically deployed to monitor police conduct on highways and ensure compliance with anti-corruption directives.
Citizens should have a dedicated platform to report police misconduct, with guaranteed follow-up action and protection for whistleblowers.
A zero-tolerance policy for bribery and extortion must be strictly enforced through regular oversight and audits.
The Nigerian Police Force must purge itself of these criminals in uniform. If over 80% of officers are unfit for service due to corruption and incompetence, then a radical reform of the entire force is necessary. We need a recruitment system that prioritizes integrity and professionalism over political patronage.
To the Federal Government, the Inspector-General of Police, the governments of Rivers and Imo States, and all well-meaning Nigerians: the blood of innocent travelers harassed and extorted daily cries out for justice. The economic devastation caused by police corruption must no longer be ignored.
Act now before this lawlessness spirals further out of control. We demand justice. We demand security. And we demand an end to this daylight robbery on Owerri-Port Harcourt Road.
Opinion
Chess, that bomb in your hands, and masters of the game, Hassan Gimba
Published
3 months agoon
January 12, 2025Chess, that bomb in your hands, and masters of the game, Hassan Gimba
In 1984 there was a universal review of the dystopian novel Nineteen Eight- Four, sometimes written and published as 1984, written by George Orwell. More known for his satirical book Animal Farm, George Orwell is a pen name adopted by Eric Arthur Blair, an English novelist, poet, essayist, journalist and critic. According to Wikipedia, “his work is characterised by lucid prose, social criticism, opposition to all totalitarianism, and support of democratic socialism.”

Published in 1949, after the Second World War, Nineteen Eighty-Four, as earlier observed, is a dystopian novel that warns against totalitarian governments that control every aspect of citizens’ lives. With terms such as “Big Brother”, “doublethink”, and “newspeak”, Orwell wrote the book as a cautionary tale after seeing what happened to people in Nazi Germany and fearing that totalitarianism could easily take over the US and Britain, enriching the English lexicon with the adjectival term “Orwellian,” for a political system in which the government tries to control every part of people’s lives.
It’s a sobering reality that in all the reviews, there was a convergence of opinions that governments, especially those of Western nations and the ones in the then Eastern Bloc, exemplified by that of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR), have become pervasive, with eyes and ears everywhere, watching and listening to everyone as done to Winston Smith in the 1984 satire.
While the West’s “eye on us” may not be as overt as Orwell depicted, we are nonetheless an open book to them. We hide nothing from them because we cannot. This is true for using smartphones, smart televisions, tablets, laptops, desktops, Google, social media, and the internet.
Have you ever seen your movements captured by Google? As long as your phone is with you, google records and stores all your movements. It is the same with your phone calls. You may begin to see adverts on issues you discuss. If women discuss abortion, they would start seeing adverts on drugs and ways for it. Discuss money, and start seeing adverts from loan sharks.
Your phones can easily be used to trace you. And now, after seeing what the Israelites did to Hamas with pagers, you better know that your phone might not only be a spying device on you but an improvised explosive device (IED). A rigged bomb you are carrying about in your pocket.
In Gideon’s Spies: The Secret History of the Mossad, first published in 1999, Gordon Thomas, resulting from closed-door interviews with Mossad agents, informants, and spymasters as well as drawing from classified documents and top-secret sources, revealed previously untold truths about Mossad.
Mossad is the national intelligence agency of Israel, responsible for intelligence collection and covert operations, including the assassination of perceived enemies.
In the highly compelling and acclaimed book, he revealed that computers have spying chips embedded in them that Mossad accesses. Desktop computers, Laptops, printers, and similar devices are irreplaceable components in all workplaces. These office necessities are everywhere, including in homes.
From the highest office in the land to all sensitive departments, down to all security offices and those of all leaders across the executive, legislative, and judicial arms, you must find computers, laptops, smart TVs, and all those devices that we do not produce here but import from Western nations or Israel.
The Mossad used personal pagers to target members of Hamas, a Palestinian militant group, in a series of operations. This demonstrates the potential for technology to be used for surveillance and control.
Smart televisions, like the social media sites we visit through our phones, monitor and save our preferences and keep bringing up topics related to them to us.
Why do you think countries like China, Russia, Iran, North Korea and those fiercely independent do not allow Western internet providers or other satellites like Starlink to operate in their spheres? They do all they can to develop theirs. This is not just a local issue but a global one that affects us all. This could explain why America under Donald Trump never wants Huawei phones. Apart from the fact that it beats the American iPhone in terms of popularity, affordability and effectiveness, Trump knew what relegating the iPhone worldwide would do to his country’s ability to see many things.
This is not limited to the iPhone as all Android phones are in the same category and do the same function of monitoring their owner, just as all social media sites. Anything you write on Facebook is stored even if you delete it without sending it out.
These powerful entities use a cunning strategy to control their perceived enemies. They tie them to their apron strings, present them with the faces of “lovers,” and wrap them up economically and security-wise. An instance can be seen in how the Arab defence systems are systematically tied to the US. The Israeli security firm Kochav has provided billions of dollars worth of services in the UAE and Saudi Arabia, including surveillance systems.
Until we start indigenising our technology, we will remain open books to be accessed anytime through Google and satellites. The need for technological independence is not just a suggestion; it’s a call to action. It’s a path to reclaiming our power and control over our lives. Can you see the wisdom in educating our children in our languages as the Chinese, Turkish, Russians, North Koreans, and Iranians do? Can you see why these nations are racing ahead, developing and industrialising their nations with local materials and technology, using their people? The time to act is before we lose even more control over our privacy and independence.
We must develop the power to change this, build our technology, and protect our privacy.
Any country that will remain the recipient of foreign technology can never be independent, and neither can its leaders because the country and its leaders, nay, citizens, remain stark naked in front of those that do not desire to see them become united, strong, politically and economically independent. The consequences of inaction are dire, but the potential benefits of taking action, such as reclaiming our privacy and independence, are immense and within our reach.
However, the fight to emancipate the world would be not only interesting and full of chess-like manoeuvres but also hazardous, and it promises to be a fight to the death.
It is a consolation that the Russians, Chinese, and Persians are chess masters, but what of us in Africa?
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